The 'Day After Plan' that Netanyahu doesn't want to talk about.
Netanyahu wants us to believe, or at least wants the Trump administration to, that Israel has no alternative than to intensify the war and, in effect, reoccupy the whole of the Gaza Strip — seriously risking the lives of the hostages in the process. But this is not the case and hasn’t been for the past 18 months. Hamas was never the necessary negotiating partner, or even the counterparty, to any deal that promised to succeed. Netanyahu must know that.
Logically, any peace plan depends on the Palestinian Authority. To stabilize Gaza — to organize any “day-after” administration — one must find Arab partners who promise Gazans the hope of safety and reconstruction; partners who would not just be sub-contractors for an Israeli occupation of the Strip. Netanyahu is not alone in vilifying the Palestinian Authority. Even close observers sympathetic to Palestinian national aims doubt its competence, dismissing it, in the words of the Guardian’s diplomatic editor Patrick Wintour, as “corrupt and discredited.” Polls show that an overwhelming majority of Palestinians want its octogenarian president Mahmoud Abbas to resign.
This view of the Palestinian Authority is wrong, or at least so partial as to be misleading. However defensible that view may once have been, there’s a new pool of Palestinian leaders in West Bank cities just waiting to be tapped. I have travelled often there over the past 20 years, and have got to know, particularly, Palestinian business leaders who have put another face on Palestinian nationalism. No “alternative civil administration” will succeed without them.
Netanyahu wants us to believe, or at least wants the Trump administration to, that Israel has no alternative than to intensify the war and, in effect, reoccupy the whole of the Gaza Strip — seriously risking the lives of the hostages in the process. But this is not the case and hasn’t been for the past 18 months. Hamas was never the necessary negotiating partner, or even the counterparty, to any deal that promised to succeed. Netanyahu must know that.
Logically, any peace plan depends on the Palestinian Authority. To stabilize Gaza — to organize any “day-after” administration — one must find Arab partners who promise Gazans the hope of safety and reconstruction; partners who would not just be sub-contractors for an Israeli occupation of the Strip. Netanyahu is not alone in vilifying the Palestinian Authority. Even close observers sympathetic to Palestinian national aims doubt its competence, dismissing it, in the words of the Guardian’s diplomatic editor Patrick Wintour, as “corrupt and discredited.” Polls show that an overwhelming majority of Palestinians want its octogenarian president Mahmoud Abbas to resign.
This view of the Palestinian Authority is wrong, or at least so partial as to be misleading. However defensible that view may once have been, there’s a new pool of Palestinian leaders in West Bank cities just waiting to be tapped. I have travelled often there over the past 20 years, and have got to know, particularly, Palestinian business leaders who have put another face on Palestinian nationalism. No “alternative civil administration” will succeed without them.
